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It was not until J. F. Mozley published John Foxe and His Book in that the task of . The date of Alexander Maitland's death is uncertain, as are his financial . John Foxe (/17 – 18 April ) was an English historian and martyrologist, the author of A series of letters in Foxe's handwriting dated to –45, shows Foxe to be "a man of . the first English edition of the Actes and Monuments from the press of John Day. .. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). The colophon bears the date 27th June Samuel Foxe and Magdalen College. Samuel had started his education with a tutor in the Ducal house in Aldgate.
The archbishop and the martyrologist did not always see eye to eye, as was later to become apparent, but Parker saw the enormous potential of the Acts and Monuments. Not only did it destroy the credibility of the catholic church as an ecclesiastical system, it also supported his own view that the English church was of apostolic origin, independent of Rome.
Corruption had begun with Augustine of Canterbury, and become more corrosive as foreign bishops such as Lanfranc and Anselm were foisted on the English church after the Norman conquest. It had been by these foreigners that abuses such as transubstantiation, clerical celibacy and auricular confession had become established in England. Parker used the Acts and Monuments, and the research upon which it was based, to bring this message to a wider audience.
His own Testimonie of Antiquitie[ 21 ] was actually incorporated in the martyrology, and it was no doubt partly in return for this exposure that the archbishop made his collection available. Foxe's single most important source for medieval England was Matthew Paris's Chronica majora, which he obtained from Parker. Other notable benefits were the Anglo Saxon Chronicle, Gervase of Canterbury's Chronicle, the Saxon law codes, and certain other pre-Norman ecclesiastical documents.
Through Parker also Foxe came into contact with a group of antiquarian scholars working under the archbishop's patronage. He became friends with William Lambarde, whose Archianomia was also reprinted in the Acts and Monuments, and shared resources with John Stow notably the Great Chronicle of Londonalthough he never became friendly with the latter.
Parker also seems to have used some of his own researchers to refute specific charges made by catholic scholars against Foxe's first edition. Someone combed his manuscripts for proof that King John was really poisoned by the monk of Swinstead, a claim indignantly and correctly denied by Thomas Stapleton.
Even apart from Parker's manuscripts, there was a geometric expansion in the archival resources used for the edition. Having already used the London diocesan records, he went on to exploit the Canterbury registers with equal thoroughness, and worked extensively on similar material for the dioceses of Hereford, Lincoln and Rochester. He was also able for the first time to make extensive use of the Royal archives, particularly those in the Tower, for which access he was probably indebted to Sir William Cecil.
Above all, he made much greater use of oral sources. Some of this was gleaned from quite casual acquaintances. One William Maldon left a vivid account of Foxe at work: Foxe, the gather together of these great boke, and he desired us to tell hym if we knewe of any man that had suffered persecution for the gospell of Jesus Christ, to the end that he myght add it unto the boke of marters.
Then said I that I knew one that was whipped in king Henryes time for it, of his father. The he enquired of me his name. Then I bewrayed and said it was I myself Then I promised him to wryght it. While much new material was thus added, some parts of the first edition were not reproduced. It is a persistent error to think that the successive editions of the Acts and Monuments were simply cumulative. In fact a good deal was also suppressed, some of it highly significant.
None of this suppressed material made it to the nineteenth century editions, because they were based upon the text. There were a number of reasons for these deletions: The authorship of the Acts and Monuments In spite of these cuts, Day's printing operation buckled under the weight of the second edition.
Most seriously, he underestimated its size which ran to about 2, pages and consequently ran out of paper. Many smaller sheets had to be pasted together to complete the work, and it was probably for that reason that Foxe's ambitious appendix on the continental martyrs was never printed. Day's commitment to the project was immense, and Foxe was very fortunate to find such a crucial ally. He made considerable sacrifices to produce the Acts and Monuments; an enormous outlay on paper; the cost of hiring additional workmen; and the income lost while his presses were committed to this massive book.
Moreover, there were the woodcut illustrations. The first edition had included about 50; the second three times that number; and it was Day who underwrote this visual extravaganza. However, Cecil was also a supporter, and he was in a position to ensure that the printer received some important favours, such as permission to exceed the legal quota of foreign workers, and lucrative monopolies for the printing of primers and metrical psalms.
Nevertheless Day took risks, and if he eventually made money and obtained great credit for his efforts, then he earned both. Without Day, the Acts and Monuments would have been a much less impressive work, with far fewer illustrations - or even none at all.
From start to finish, it was a collaborative effort. He had copyists who transcribed official and ecclesiastical documents; field workers who poured over archives or interviewed their neighbours, and John Field later the Presbyterian leader locating potential informants.
Consequently the term 'author' as applied to Foxe needs to be used with care. If it is used to mean the person who shapes a text and controls its messages, the Foxe is the author of the Acts and Monuments; if it is used to mean the person who actually wrote all or even most of the words, then he is not. Even a cursory comparison of the first edition with the second reveals how completely and systematically the passages common to both were re-written.
Similarly, anyone comparing the original version of a text with the version appearing in the Acts and Monuments, will observe his readiness to alter even quite small details in the interests of his message. He could be compared to the conductor of a large orchestra, where the musicians have each written their own scores, and the conductor has then orchestrated them into one harmonious composition. Even the least jarring or discordant note has been eliminated. There are factual inconsistencies, repetitions, chronological inaccuracies and faulty organisation; but the themes of the text are presented with complete assurance.
It says exactly what Foxe wishes it to say, and absolutely nothing else. All this is true in varying degrees of each of the editions for which Foxe was responsible, but it is particularly true of Internal evidence proves that this text was rigorously proofread and impeccably cross referenced. Isolated errors were even corrected by hand in individual copies before they left the printshop. No effort was spared to eliminate error, particularly typographical or doctrinal, from this edition.
Celebrity Even allowing for the efforts of his supporting team, the energy which Foxe invested in this enormous task was phenomenal, and his health was undermined by the effort. He had started to complain of sickness during his exile, and a decade spent on completing this magnum opus certainly aggravated his condition.
He claimed in the dedication to have spent his health on the martyrology, and that appears to have been no exaggeration. His son Simeon, who was a physician, claimed that as a result of his father's mind being 'overstrained', he 'fell into that withered leannesse of body in which many afterward saw him, never returning to that pleasing and cheerfull countenance which he had before'[ 23 ].
However, the effort also made Foxe England's first literary celebrity. Complete strangers wrote him letters, which survive among his papers, asking advice on matters theological and personal.
John Foxe - Wikipedia
He also had a reputation, which arose out of his notoriety as an author, as a popular and influential London minister, in spite of never holding a benefice there. A prisoner condemned to death wrote to Foxe asking him and Nowell to raise money on his behalf, not for an appeal but to enable him to bribe his way to a pardon.
Foxe, Nowell and Robert Crowley are frequently described as working together, as in January when they attended the deathbed of a former lord mayor[ 25 ]. The association of Foxe with Crowley, and their prestige, is attested by a notice on the cover of Whartons Dream[ 26 ], a verse diatribe against usury and other social ills which appeared in This claimed that the work was 'perused and well thought of by Foxe, Crowley and others, with what justification is not known.
He was also a generous alms giver. Simeon later claimed 'there was nothing that so much won to master Fox the love of people as the pity he usually showed to all sortes of men in distresse', adding that wealthy individuals often entrusted his father with large sums of money to be spent on charitable causes. This claim is corroborated by a letter from one suppliant who claimed that he would be ashamed to beg money from one so poor as Foxe, were it not that he had been told that he had generous friends from whom he obtained funds.
With his personal charisma and lack of an institutional base, Foxe was the harbinger of later puritan divines such as Richard Greenham, William Bradshaw and John Ball, whose personal influence and moral authority far outstripped their ecclesiastical rank.
This had its drawbacks, and he was eventually less popular with his ecclesiastical superiors than he was with the Privy Council. However that was still in the future when he further burnished his reputation by preaching the Paul's Cross sermon on Good Friday This would have been a major event in any year, but in it had a particular significance because Pius V had issued his Bull Regnans in excelsis in the previous month, excommunicating and deposing the Queen.
The main aim of his Sermon of Christ Crucified was to contrast Catholicism with 'true religion', and to convert catholics to the gospel. It proved to be very popular, going through six English editions in Foxe's lifetime, and being translated into Latin in The Reformation Foxe's first major project after the appearance of the second edition of the Acts and Monuments was to edit the code of ecclesiastical law drawn up by Cranmer in His interest in the Canon Law went back 20 years to his De censura, but this project was a deliberate attempt to secure the enactment of the code which had failed in parliament in However the title which he gave to this edition, Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum, hinted that his plan also went further than reviving Cranmer's work.
The introduction explicitly called for the revision of the Book of Common Prayer, and it appears that the publication of the Reformatio was part of a complex scheme, probably devised by Thomas Norton and Laurence Humphrey, to have parliament remove all 'popish remnants' from the liturgy. If that was the case, the plan failed, because despite Norton's best efforts in the parliament ofneither the law code nor the revision was ever implemented.
We can be reasonably certain that Archbishop Parker was less than impressed by these efforts, and may well have been irritated by the fact that he had innocently helped in the preparation of the Reformatio. Foxe hastened to take remedial action by composing a laudatory preface to an edition of the gospels printed in Anglo-Saxon characters - The gospels of the fower evangelistes,[ 29 ] which was published under Parker's auspices in There is no evidence that Foxe could read Anglo-Saxon, so he probably just lent his famous name to the enterprise, and wrote the preface.
Another old project was resurrected inwhen an expanded and restructured version of the Locorum communium tituli was published as the Pandectae locorum communium[ 30 ]. Like its predecessor the Pandectae consisted of blank pages with Foxe's revised headings. Unlike the earlier version, this proved popular enough to be reissued inalthough it could hardly be described as a great success.
Both of these works, as Foxe made clear in his introduction to the latter, were designed to help the reader to develop his memory through systematic study. They also demonstrate what is clearly visible in the Acts and Monuments,the author's abiding interest in the twin arts of rhetoric and logic. In the autumn of Foxe received his second, and last, preferment. He was installed by proxy on the 14th October, but resigned a year later, apparently having fallen victim to a purge of non-residents.
Thomas Lever, the Archdeacon of Coventry, also resigned at the same time. Practical Divinity and Spiritual Healing. In the second edition of the Acts and Monuments Foxe had promised that he would edit a collection of the works of William Tyndale, John Frith and Robert Barnes, and that duly appeared in January This book neatly combines two themes which were to preoccupy Foxe for the remainder of his life.
On the one hand the apologetic - the desire to convert by logical, theological and historical arguments, catholics and Jews from their 'superstitions' to the gospel - and on the other hand the desire to offer spiritual guidance to readers of all types and ages.
In the introduction Foxe expressed the hope that those that 'be not yet wonne to the worde of trueth, setting aside all partialitie and preiudice of opinion, would with indifferent iudgementes bestow some reading and hearing likewise of these' [three authors].
For spiritual guidance he advised young readers to study Frith, the middle aged Tyndale, and the older Barnes. A similar pastoral concern also underlay a remarkable series of translations, edited by Foxe and Henry Bull.
The first, and most important of these was an English version of Luther's commentary upon Galatians, A commentarie … upon the epistle to the Galathians. Close paraphrases of statements made about Luther in the Acts and Monuments, and the repetition of comments made over 20 years before in a translation of one of Luther's sermons, establish Foxe as the author of this introduction, and so his involvement in the translation.
This commentary met a need. There were six further editions in Elizabeth's reign, and its popularity increased in the seventeenth century. When Henry Bull died in he left two completed but unpublished translations. The first of these was Luther's commentary upon the psalms of ascent.
Foxe wrote to Bishop Sandys urging that it be published, and it appeared before the end of the year. In an introduction Foxe again extolled Luther as a great spiritual physician, and described the consolation which Bull had received from translating the work. The second, Bull's translation of Hooper's commentary upon four psalms, was printed in Henrie Bull' and recommending the work to 'the sorrowing soul which gronest for reliefe', signed by A.
Meanwhile others were at work on similar projects. In William Gace published his translation of another collection of Luther's sermons, with a dedication professing that he had first been urged to the task 'by a learned father of this lande, whose wordes and judgement I make no small account of' [ 38 ]. As Foxe contributed a commendatory preface to this also, the identity of the 'learned father' may be surmised. Similarly William Hilton, the translator of a work by Urbannus Regius, stated that he was set to the task by an unnamed person, and his work again carried a commendatory preface by the martyrologist.
All these translations had a pastoral purpose. Hilton warned his readers that Satan's purpose was to 'drive the godly to despair', but claimed that any reader, no matter how afflicted would 'in this sermon gather such hart, receave such hope and grow unto such knowledge, strength and stabilitie, that if he wyll but come, and either heare it or reade it, he shall … leape lyke an hart, waLke lyke a Lyon, and stande lyke a rocke Just as the young Foxe's translations of sermons or treatises by Luther, Oecolampadius and Regius were for the edification of his friends, so the mature successful Foxe invested his time, energy and prestige in translations intended to give comfort to those in need.
This activity was both a continuation of the preoccupation of decades, and also an extension of his activity as a spiritual physician in London. Simeon later wrote of his father: At length some who were likewise sick in body, would needs be carried to him, but to stop rumours he would not suffer [this] to be used. For because they were brought thither, they were by some reported to be cured.
His most notable success there related to a lawyer named Robert Briggs. Briggs had fallen into despair at his sinfulness, and the impossibility of obtaining salvation; he had repeatedly attempted suicide, and in April fell into mysterious seizures.
During these fits, in which he was apparently bereft of his normal senses, he would hold conversations with Satan and with angels, in the course of which the name of Foxe was repeatedly mentioned. On the 24th April Foxe visited Briggs at the Temple during one of his seizures, and led a group of bystanders in prayer, commanding the devil to depart in the name of Jesus. Briggs immediately regained his senses.
A few days later he suffered another seizure, but was fully restored when the bystanders used a prayer which Foxe had left for just such an emergency.
After the 1st May his seizures ceased, and he was deemed to be cured. The case created a sensation. Four manuscript accounts survive, and we know there were others. John Darrell and other early modern English exorcists were greatly influenced by Foxe's example.
A few months later, in Julythere was another case, in which Foxe was not the actual exorcist, but was closely involved. This was the cure of two London girls, Agnes Briggs no relation and Rachel Pinder, which was described within a few weeks in a pamphlet entitled A verie wonderful straunge miracle.
In spite of his marginal role, Foxe got the credit for this success also, and his reputation swelled. At this point Archbishop Parker intervened. Ostensibly he was concerned about fraud and superstition, but was probably also alarmed by the sudden rise in the prestige of a loose cannon like Foxe, who, because he was unbeneficed, was almost immune from normal ecclesiastical discipline.
Parker had the two supposed demoniacs interrogated, and imprisoned the mother of one of them. The pamphlet was called in and the printer also imprisoned. When it came to demonic possession, Parker was a radical sceptic. The two girls did penance at Paul's Cross and confessed that their possession had been a fraud.
A book, The disclosing of a late counterfeyted possession was published under the Archbishop's auspices soon after, the preface to which declared that the fraudulent demoniacs had been 'bolstered out by some certeine persons, which for the maintenance of their owne estimacion, would delude Gods good people and the Queenes maiesties subiectes with manifest untruth.
Foxe was not named in the preface, but he was in the body of the work, so this was a deliberate and forceful rebuke. From the Archbishop's point of view all demonic possession was fraudulent, and those who claimed to expel demons were sorcerers[ 42 ]. This ended Foxe's dramatic expulsion of evil spirits, but his extensive ministry among the spiritually afflicted continued.
The third edition of the Acts and Monuments In John Day's son, Richard returned from Cambridge, where he had been a Divinity student, and began to work alongside his father. He seems almost at once to have been put in charge of the publication of this new edition - perhaps as a kind of 'master piece' to prove his metal.
The decision was taken quite suddenly, with none of the advance planning which had gone into the second edition. There are many typographical errors, and no evidence of the meticulous proofreading which had been such a feature in The investment was also significantly less, smaller fonts and cheaper paper being used. Foxe's editorial input was also much reduced. It is not true to say that it is merely a reprint of Information from some oral sources was introduced, particularly relating to the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, but there were no substantial deletions, and no evidence of extended new research.
The agenda remained the same, and indeed the edition may be said to represent the highest level of Foxe's radicalism. The introduction of John Hales's admonitory oration to the Queen, printed here for the first time, was undoubtedly intended as a further spur to Godly Reformation. The colophon bears the date 27th June Samuel Foxe and Magdalen College.
Samuel had started his education with a tutor in the Ducal house in Aldgate. When he was almost 12, in OctoberJohn entered him at the Merchant Tailors' School, and two years later he proceeded to his father's old college in Oxford. Foxe wrote to his old friend Laurence Humphrey, then the President, asking him to take his son under his wing.
Samuel duly became a demy, and at one point was being personally tutored by the President in Greek. There was trouble in the spring ofwhen John wrote to Humphrey asking that Samuel's tutor, one of the most outspoken radicals in the college, be replaced. The tension clearly affected the boy adversely, and in December he suddenly departed for France without obtaining any leave of absence.
Foxe persuaded his son to return, and smoothed things over with the college. For a few years all was well.
In any case, he retained the position until his death. Foxe's name was on a list of "godly preachers which have utterly forsaken Antichrist and all his Romish rags" that was presented to Lord Robert Dudley some time between and Rather, when Crowley lost his position at St Giles-without-CripplegateFoxe may have preached in his stead.
Perhaps his move was motivated by his concerns about Norfolk's exceptionally poor judgment in attempting to marry Mary Stuartwhich led to his imprisonment in the Tower in and his condemnation in following the Ridolfi Plot. Although Foxe had written Norfolk "a remarkably frank letter" about the injudiciousness of his course, after Norfolk's condemnation, he and Alexander Nowell ministered to the prisoner until his execution, which Foxe attended, on 2 June This lofty exposition of the Protestant doctrine of redemption and attack on the doctrinal errors of the Roman Catholic Church was enlarged and published that year as A Sermon of Christ Crucified.
Foxe replied that he had been misunderstood: Foxe's introduction argues that the vernacular scripture was an ancient custom in England. His widow, Agnes, probably died in Foxe's son, Samuel Foxe — prospered after his father's death and "accumulated a substantial estate. Personality[ edit ] Foxe was so bookish that he ruined his health by his persistent study.
He even took part in matchmaking. When a number of Flemish Anabaptists were taken by Elizabeth's government in and sentenced to be burnt, Foxe first wrote letters to the Queen and her council asking for their lives and then wrote to the prisoners themselves having his Latin draft translated into Flemish pleading with them to abandon what he considered their theological errors.
Foxe even visited the Anabaptists in prison. The attempted intercession was in vain; two were burnt at Smithfield "in great horror with roaring and crying.
Foxe's Book of Martyrs - Wikipedia
John Burrow refers to it as, after the Bible, "the greatest single influence on English Protestant thinking of the late Tudor and early Stuart period. His demolition of the martyrologist's history of the Waldensesand of some of his other medieval reconstructions, was accurate up to a point, but he never addressed those parts of the Acts and Monuments where Foxe was at his strongest, and his general conclusion that the work was nothing but a tissue of fabrications and distortions is not supported by modern analysis.
Mozley published John Foxe and His Book, in Foxe's Book of Martyrs Variorum Edition. In the words of Thomas S. Freeman, one of the most important living Foxe scholars, "current scholarship has formed a more complex and nuanced estimate of the accuracy of Acts and Monuments When searching for single words, the search engine automatically imposes a wildcard at the end of the keyword in order to retrieve both whole and part words.
For example, a search for "queen" will retrieve "queen", "queene" and "queenes" etc. For our examination of Foxe's extensive borrowings from the Magdeburg Centuries, we have made use of the online edition of this text at: Diener, 'The Magdeburg Centuries. A Bibliothecal and Historiographical Study'. For these sections, we have undertaken a very preliminary analysis, concentrating on the following textual divisions: Introduction to first 10 persecutionsp. In the block on the first persecutions, prepared for the edition and repeated in the later ones, Foxe cites as his source Eusebius, book 3, ch.
Although it is probably the case that he consulted the source, it is much more likely that, for this as for the succeeding sections of this part of the narrative that he drew on the published volumes of the Magdeburg Centuries, in this case, vol.
For the second persecution, Foxe continued to use Eusebius, supplementing it apparently with Irenaeus' Against Heresies and the Historiae adversum paganos of Orosius.
Again, although it is difficult to be certain of this at present, his direct source was likely to have been the Magdeburg Centuries. For the fourth persecution, concerned especially with the martyrdom of Polycarp, we can be clearer.
Although some of the sections of Foxe's narrative such as the Epistle to Pontus and the sayings of Polycarp to Martin the heretic, are direct translations from Eusebius, the section on the life and works of Polycarpus, which indirectly comes from Eusebius, book 5, ch.
For the contradictory views of various authors on who were the popes at the time, Foxe clearly used the Magdeburg Centuries, I, book 2, cols but he also consulted at least some of the other sources he mentions in order to construct an independent view.
The section on the order of the popes to Eleutherius certainly is taken from the Magdeburg Centuries, II, cols and For the fourth persecution, it is evident that the Magdeburg Centuries formed the direct source for the following sections of it: For the fifth persecution, Foxe drew directly on the Magdeburg Centuries for the following passages: Foxe clearly used other sources for this account as well, but only further research will confirm more precisely the extent to which he worked outwards from the Magdeburg Centuries to write a more independently based narrative of this section.
For the sixth persecution, we have undertaken a similar analysis of the extent of Foxe's dependence on the Magdeburg Centuries. The results are less complete. It is certainly the case that he drew somewhat on that source for the beginning of the sixth persecution under Emperor Maximus pp.
He also borrowed to some degree for the description of the rule of Pontianus, bishop of Rome p. We have not continued our analysis beyond this stage at present. It will require a more extensive and detailed examination of the full range of the sources cited by Foxe in his marginalia, and a comparison of them with what was contained in the extant volumes of the Magdeburg Centuries, which had become available to him in between the publication of the and editions, to arrive at a proper assessment of Book One.
Mark Greengrass and Matthew Phillpott University of Sheffield Edition, page 67 Edition, page 69 Edition, page 70 Edition, page 72 Edition, page 82 Edition, page 88 Edition, page 92 Edition, page 98 Edition, page 57 Edition, page 58 Edition, page 62 Edition, page 65 Edition, page 69 Edition, page 73 Edition, page 77 Edition, page 82 Edition, page 57 Edition, page 58 Edition, page 62 Edition, page 65 Edition, page 69 Edition, page 73 Edition, page 77 Edition, page 82 [Back to Top] Difference between early Church and Roman Church The commentary on this block is at a preliminary stage.
The project has not yet completed all its work on this portion of the text. The shift of emphasis indicated in the title is a measure of the extent to which Foxe reorchestrated the whole underlying architecture for the martyrology between these two editions.
The full measure of that change is reflected in this early section of the text. The first paragraph, however, remained unchanged. The first 'law' was the priority of truth. As Cicero put it: And its second that he must make bold to tell the whole truth? These 'laws' had frequently been adduced by humanist historians in precisely the way that Foxe already does in his opening paragraph: He takes the argument one step further, indicating that it was not mere credulity.
By recovering the truth, Foxe expected to 'profit the Church of Christ' and contribute to the 'sweete and mercyful reformation' of 'these reformed daies'. Mark Greengrass and Matthew Phillpott University of Sheffield Edition, page 17 Edition, page 26 Edition, page 24 Edition, page 24 [Back to Top] The four ages of the Church Foxe then laid out the 'order or disposition of thys history'. His periodisation into 'five ages' of the church: The influence of Bale upon his own sense of periodisation is clearly in evidence in the passage see especially Katherine Firth, The Apocalyptic Tradition in Reformation Britain,[ Oxford, ].
In Foxe concentrated on 'four ages' of the Church to underpin why he proposed to begin his history in the year AD. The general principle, he explained, was one of progressive degradation: Foxe chose simply to rely on a quotation from Tertullian in support of the general approach: With allusions to Daniel's division of world history into the 'four sundry metals' and Seneca's conception of Roman history into four ages, Foxe offered the same for Christian history, offering an implied allusion to familiar contemporary divisions of the 'ages of man'.
The first age of the church was derived, as he explicitly tells us, from Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History, an age of apostolic egalitarianism and innocent childhood. It was succeeded by the second, 'flourishing age' of the church, a period of growth and adolescence. This was the period which he defined as beginning around AD, and the one which provided a relatively clear point of departure for his martyrology in As he came to provide a more substantiated history of the early church inhowever, he had to modify very substantially this meta-narrative.
He did so by deciding to start his narrative after the apostolic age. In so doing, he began it in AD and reframed the first age into 'the suffering time' - thus enabling him to situate the theme of martyrdom as the sign of the true church at the very beginning of his narrative.
He retained the 'flourishing time' in something like its original conception, but divided in a striking fashion the fourth age into two: This enabled him at the same time to rationalize his chronology into sections that roughly corresponded to 'about So, beginning in AD, his first three 'ages' still corresponded to the period up to AD.
Slightly awkwardly, 'the time of antichrist' lasts 'the space of This new schema was one that offered a potentially attractive compromise between his insistence in that around the year AD something important had occurred by way of the 'loosing of Satan' within the church, and the significance, revealed through his close reading of those volumes which had appeared from the Magdeburg Centuriators byof the early persecution of the church.
Foxe was able to continue to insist in the edition that he focused on 'two tymes of the churche of Rome', the first being ' Foxe's views, however, on this subject did not remain static.
In his later years, his 'Meditations' upon the Apocalpyse Eicasmi seu meditationes, in sacram Apocalypsin were the focus of much of his reading and reflection. One inconvenient result of his formulation inof which he must have been rapidly aware, was how precisely the early persecutions fitted into his overall chronology.
In a small, but very significant addition to the edition of the text, Foxe illustrated his growing unease with the chronological profile he had sketched out. Inhe had glossed these 'two tymes of the churche of Rome' as follows: Iohns Reuelation [ addition: And thus haue ye the churche of Rome parted into two churches, in double respect and consideration of two sundry states and times'. Inhe added the significant clause indicated in brackets here, thus quite dramatically emphasizing the millennial 'loosing of Satan' as occurring after the end of the ten persecutions of the church.
The fundamental difficulty for Foxe, and for reformation historians in general, was to answer the question: Foxe's answer to the question was partly as we have just analysed to combine a more elaborate periodisation along with the continued juxtaposition of the 'two tymes' of the church.
He also, however, refined the complexity of the issues in the question in by dividing it into 'four thinges to be considered'. They included the issues of 'Title': Foxe evidently hoped to provide something of a 'summary description briefly to declare as in a summary table, the misguiding of that church' - his aim being reflected in the highly structured nature of the material. On each aspect, Foxe provides a personal exposition which, whilst it draws for its material on a wide range of reformation sources, should be regarded as one of his most highly worked and thoroughly considered parts of the history.
On the linked issues of papal claims to supremacy and papal jurisdiction, he drew on the earliest reformation critique of papal claims, engaging with the arguments of earlier papal defenders of them Albertus Pighius; Stanislaus Hosius and drawing upon the proof, originally advanced by Lorenzo Valla, that the so-called 'Donation of Constantine' was a forgery.
Lorenzo Valla's work had been publicized in an edition carrying a preface from Luther, and it was a commonplace among reformation protestant historians to cast suspicion on any document which came from 'the pope Bibliothecarie'.
Mark Greengrass and Matthew Phillpott University of Sheffield Edition, page 23 [Back to Top] Gregory the Great and his epistle On the issue of the papal title, Foxe's arguments were sharpened by the observation which he had found in Erasmus' letters, to the effect that the papal title 'Summis orbis pontifex' was not to be found in any of the writings from the church before AD.
Inhe also concentrated his attention on one of the famous epistles of Gregory the Great to John, Archbishop of Constantinople, and how the allusion in it to being 'universal bishop' had been misconstrued.
Further work is needed on Foxe's use of the epistles of Gregory in this book, including the one that he initially included in the section of the narrative in the edition pp. And the vaine contention betwixte the same'. Most of this section was, in fact, abandoned in the edition, although the letter from Gregory the Great to Augustine which it contains was reworked into a later section of book III.
Paul's doctrine Foxe concluded the preliminary material on the 'Title':